Sunday, 30 November 2025

The Dark Ages of conscience: Rethinking Europe’s rise without the myth of virtue

History is often narrated as if it were a sermon. We like to believe that moral clarity triumphs, that civilizations rise when virtues blossom and fall when vices become intolerable. 

Yet the story of slavery’s disappearance from Europe after the collapse of Rome tells a different tale—one where economics smothers morality, and where the so-called “progress of conscience” is little more than a rearrangement of incentives.

Slavery, that ancient and brutal institution, faded from Europe not at the height of its intellectual brilliance but precisely during what later historians would label the Dark Ages. The disappearance of slavery was not accompanied by a burst of light, but by a dimming of power. “History rarely abolishes an institution out of compassion,” as one philosopher observed, “but often out of exhaustion.” Rome’s machinery had collapsed; the system that fed on slaves was too weak to sustain itself.

And yet, modern European memory prefers a gentler explanation: Christianity. It is comforting to believe that spiritual awakenings liberate bodies. But the record tells us something more ambivalent. Medieval theologians debated the soul’s salvation far more than the slave’s emancipation. Later centuries would reveal the irony with painful clarity: Christian conquistadors and Protestant merchants built slavery on a planetary scale. The cross and the whip often sailed on the same ship.

The more plausible engine of change was feudalism. Europe did not morally transcend slavery—it replaced it. The feudal lord had no use for chattel slaves when serfs could be bound to the soil through custom, obligation, and necessity. The manor replaced the plantation; the chain became invisible. Feudalism did not awaken Europe’s conscience; it merely taught Europe another technique of domination. As a result, the continent survived, but did not flourish. It lived, as it were, in a long twilight.

This is the uncomfortable hypothesis: Europe’s great ages of power correlate disturbingly well with its access to coerced labour. When Europe abandons slavery, Europe withers; when Europe embraces it, Europe ascends.

The fifteenth century proved the point. Europe’s re-emergence into global power was not powered by piety, nor by a spontaneous improvement in diligence, but by the mass enslavement of Africans. Between 12 and 18 million people were transported across the Atlantic—an atrocity industrial in scale, theological in justification, and civilizational in effect.

The plantations of the New World—built on the backs of Africans—did not merely produce crops; they produced Europe’s re-entry into world history. Before Africans arrived, European settlers in the Americas were, quite literally, dying out. Their life expectancy hovered near twenty-five years; starvation and disease threatened the colonial project. In a tragic twist of history, Africans saved the European presence in the Americas; without African labour, the “West” might never have become Western.

And yet Europe congratulated itself with another myth: the “Western work ethic.” Max Weber, that eloquent theorist of capitalism, attributed Europe’s ascent to the Protestant ethic—discipline, frugality, and industriousness. But the plantations tell a different story: If the Europeans possessed such a superior work ethic, why did their prosperity require millions of enslaved labourers? A civilization that relies on coerced bodies should hesitate before praising its own industrious spirit.

The paradox deepens in the twentieth century. As Europe and the United States industrialised into great powers, they steadily shifted their agriculture to Latin America and Africa, and their manufacturing to East Asia. The global economy rearranged itself along a new axis: the so-called engines of Western productivity were powered by the labour of non-Western hands. If Weber had travelled through Asia, he might have rewritten his thesis altogether—perhaps not “The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism,” but “The Discipline of Asia and the Exhaustion of Europe.”

History, when stripped of its comforting narratives, forces us to confront a sobering truth: Civilizations do not rise because they work harder or pray better. They rise because they discover, justify, or outsource labour.

Europe tells this story with a peculiar combination of moral pride and historical amnesia. But beneath the surface lies an older, harsher logic: whenever Europe loses control over cheap labour—whether in antiquity or in modern times—it enters a winter of decline. And whenever it regains such control, it reclaims a summer of strength.

Whether this is a cycle or a curse depends on what humanity chooses to remember—and what it chooses to forget.

Sunday, 9 November 2025

Sankhya and Yoga as one truth: The metaphysical harmony of the twin philosophical systems

Bhishma Lying on the Bed of Arrows

Among the six classical systems (darshanas) of Indian philosophy, Sankhya and Yoga stand as closely related schools that complement each other in both doctrine and purpose. 

Sankhya, traditionally attributed to the sage Kapila, is regarded as one of the oldest philosophical systems in India. It lays out a profound theory of cosmic evolution through the interaction of Purusha (pure consciousness) and Prakriti (primordial nature). 

Yoga, systematized by Patanjali in the Yoga Sutras, builds upon Sankhya’s metaphysics but translates its insights into a practical discipline—a method for the realization of the self through moral restraint, meditation, and concentration.

Both systems share the same metaphysical foundation; their distinction lies not in essence but in method. While Sankhya seeks liberation through the power of discrimination and knowledge (jnana), Yoga pursues it through disciplined physical and mental practices that still the movements of the mind.

The Mahabharata, that monumental repository of India’s philosophical heritage, contains nearly 900 references to Yoga and about 150 to Sankhya. In many passages, the two are mentioned together, indicating not opposition but integration—a recognition that the pursuit of truth demands both knowledge and practice.

In the Shanti Parva (specifically the Moksha-dharma Parva), Yudhishthira asks Bhishma to explain the difference between Sankhya and Yoga. Bhishma’s reply encapsulates the spirit of Indian philosophical pluralism:

“The followers of Sankhya praise their system, and the Yogins praise the Yoga system. Each proclaims that their own path is the best for attaining life’s highest ends. I consider both these views to be true. I approve of both Yoga and Sankhya. There is no knowledge equal to Sankhya, and no power equal to Yoga. If practiced with devotion, either will lead to the highest goal.”

The essence of Bhishma’s teaching is unmistakable: Sankhya and Yoga are two expressions of the same quest. What the followers of Sankhya experience through discernment and wisdom, the Yogins realize through meditation and discipline. To those who have attained insight, there is no real difference between the two.

This harmony of doctrine and practice is reaffirmed in the Bhagavad Gita, where Krishna tells Arjuna: “Both Sankhya and Yoga lead to the same goal; only the means differ. Yet among the two, Yoga is superior for those who act.”

In this synthesis, Indian thought dissolves the apparent conflict between knowledge and action. Sankhya offers the vision—the metaphysical map of consciousness and matter—while Yoga provides the discipline to traverse it. Together they represent the twin wings of liberation: wisdom and effort, contemplation and action, understanding and realization, converging toward the same eternal truth.