Where Indic wisdom meets global strategy. Reflections on culture, power, memory and the forces shaping civilizations past and present.
Saturday, 18 May 2024
The alchemy of hope
Saturday, 11 May 2024
Must read for India’s politicians & bureaucrats: Tim Schwab’s The Bill Gates Problem
Saturday, 4 May 2024
Nature cannot be destroyed: The mythology of environmentalism
Sunday, 28 April 2024
Political power & the mythologies of economics
Saturday, 27 April 2024
The mythology of land of the free and the logic of capitalist exploitation
The belief that a perfect society can be brought into existence through communism is, at its core, a modern secular mythology. Yet capitalism is no less mythological. It, too, rests upon grand narratives and articles of faith disguised as self-evident truths. Its so-called twin pillars—individual freedom and free enterprise—have been elevated to the status of moral absolutes, but they are as historically contingent and as vulnerable to abuse as the tenets of ancient cults and religions.
When a political leader proclaims his desire for a “free society,” what he often means is a society free to conform to the norms, values, and hierarchies of his own culture. The annals of history are filled with instances in which “freedom” was wielded as a weapon—a moral justification for the subversion, domination, or assimilation of other cultures. Similarly, calls for “free trade” have rarely meant a neutral exchange of goods and services; more often, they have signified an ambition for one nation’s corporations to penetrate foreign markets, commandeer natural resources, exploit local labour, and in many cases, influence or control the levers of political power abroad.
The uncomfortable question thus arises: can a capitalist society truly flourish without plundering the resources of weaker minorities—both within its borders and beyond them? Historical evidence offers little reassurance. Capitalism has yet to produce a sustained model of prosperity and contentment that does not rest upon the exploitation of humanity’s voiceless underclass.
The United States has long styled itself as the exemplar of capitalist virtue and the “land of the free.” Yet its history tells a more sobering story. The violence inflicted by European settlers upon the Native Americans—ranging from dispossession and forced removal to outright extermination—was every bit as brutal as the Bolshevik terror unleashed on Russia’s bourgeoisie after 1917. Nor was the exploitation confined to indigenous peoples; the transatlantic slave trade brought millions from Africa in chains to labour for the enrichment of the colonial and later industrial economies.
By the close of the 19th century, with the Native American nations subdued and their lands expropriated, American ambitions turned outward. The 20th century saw the United States not only participate in but play decisive roles in the First and Second World Wars. It has, with remarkable consistency, been at war somewhere on the globe for most of the last century. Its foreign policy record is replete with covert interventions, engineered coups, and the installation of pliant regimes—often at the expense of democratically elected governments—in order to safeguard American geopolitical and corporate interests.
If the world’s major nations were to emulate the American capitalist model in both spirit and method, the prospects for peace would be grim. The competition for resources, markets, and strategic advantage would almost certainly accelerate the slide toward large-scale conflict, perhaps even a Third World War.
This week, I finished reading John Perkins’s semi-autobiographical Confessions of an Economic Hit Man, a work that offers a shadowy glimpse into the machinery of economic imperialism. Perkins claims he was recruited by the engineering consulting firm Chas T. Main, allegedly connected to American intelligence, and tasked with persuading leaders of developing nations to accept vast loans for infrastructure projects—loans designed not to foster genuine development but to ensnare them in cycles of dependency and control.
I am not persuaded that Perkins’s account is wholly reliable. At times, his narrative drifts into the realm of the overheated conspiracy theory; at others, it veers toward the rhetoric of the ideologically committed activist. Yet even if one approaches his work with scepticism, his central critique—that capitalism and corporatism often operate through coercion, manipulation, and the calculated entrapment of vulnerable nations—rings uncomfortably true. In that sense, his book stands as a reminder that beneath capitalism’s shining myths lies a machinery as capable of subjugation as any ideology it claims to have superseded.
Sunday, 14 April 2024
Civilizational apocalypse and preservation of relics and ruins from the past
Saturday, 13 April 2024
The unnatural does not exist, only the natural does
Saturday, 6 April 2024
Lies and fictions are the fountainhead of civilizations and cultures
Sunday, 31 March 2024
Three-Body Problem: Science is broken & aliens from Trisolaris are invading
Saturday, 30 March 2024
The meaning of life: Purpose of philosophy & science
Monday, 25 March 2024
Two ways of imposing censorship
Sunday, 24 March 2024
The March of Humanity: From ‘Son of God’ to the ‘Father of God’
Saturday, 23 March 2024
End of Humanism: Man has no rights, world belongs to AI
Tuesday, 19 March 2024
Discovery of ignorance is the fountainhead of modern civilization
Saturday, 16 March 2024
Homo Deus or Homo Absurdus? Yuval Harari and the prophecy of post-human power
Saturday, 9 March 2024
Existentialism: The quest for perfection that led to nihilism and perdition
Sunday, 3 March 2024
The futility of philosophy
Saturday, 2 March 2024
Philosophies and political movements
Saturday, 24 February 2024
Karl Sigmund’s ‘Exact Thinking in Demented Times’
The liberal order and its guardians: Intellectuals, oligarchs, and the deep state
Liberals, as a political force, seem haunted by two persistent fears: first, the influence of religious and cultural elites; second, the possibility of a popular uprising that might empower the poor and middle classes. Both represent constituencies outside their natural orbit of control, and therefore both must be either neutralized or fragmented.
By contrast, the classes with which liberals are most at ease are the intellectuals, the oligarchs, and the so-called Deep State. Intellectuals, in this sense, are not merely academics but the gatekeepers of cultural discourse—the leaders of elite universities, the arbiters of mainstream media, the mandarins of entertainment and sport, the guardians of the artistic establishment, and the strategists of progressive think tanks. The oligarchs are the bankers, tycoons, and industrial magnates whose wealth underwrites both politics and ideology. The Deep State is composed of the entrenched bureaucracy, judiciary, and military establishment—the institutional machinery that endures beyond the rise and fall of electoral cycles.
Once in power, liberals typically direct their energies toward diminishing the authority of religious and cultural elites, portraying them as anachronistic or oppressive. At the same time, they seek to fragment the poor and middle classes through ideological campaigns, social engineering, and carefully cultivated divisions, ensuring that these groups cannot coalesce into a unified political and economic force. The result is that those most in need of empowerment are often left quarrelling among themselves, rather than challenging entrenched power.
Meanwhile, the intellectuals, oligarchs, and Deep State actors find their positions fortified. Their wealth, influence, and authority expand under liberal stewardship, for they serve as both the allies and beneficiaries of this political arrangement. In the end, the liberal order is not the triumph of equality, but the entrenchment of a new hierarchy—one in which power flows upward, not downward, and the promise of popular empowerment is endlessly deferred.
Sunday, 18 February 2024
The conservative paradox: Preserving tradition or guarding counterculture?
The belief that conservatives will rescue the world from Marxism, socialism, communism, nihilism, or religious fundamentalism is both naïve and historically ignorant. Conservatism, by its very principle, is not a doctrine of renewal but of preservation. Its task is to conserve what already exists. If the existing order happens to be Marxist, socialist, nihilist, or theocratic, then it is precisely that order which conservatives will defend.
This is the paradox at the heart of conservatism: it claims to protect culture, yet it lacks the intellectual tools and visionary clarity to distinguish between culture and counterculture. Every conservative movement eventually stumbles into the same quarrel—which traditions deserve conservation? The traditions of two millennia past, grounded in religion and ancient custom? The traditions of the last century, rooted in nationalism and industrial modernity? Or the traditions of just a generation ago, born of social liberalism and mass media? A philosophy that lives only to conserve is forever trapped in indecision about what is truly worth saving.
In modern democracies, this weakness is ruthlessly exploited. Conservative leaders, eager to prove their fidelity to “tradition,” are easily manipulated by leftist intellectuals, who redefine the terms of heritage and convince their opponents to defend ideas that are, in fact, corrosive countercultures. Thus, the conservative finds himself paradoxically fighting to preserve what he once opposed, confusing inertia for principle.
This is why, in the long arc of politics, the left tends to prevail. In every duel between leftism and conservatism, the left dictates the cultural horizon, while the conservative merely adopts yesterday’s radicalism as today’s heritage. The defender of tradition, unable to create or discriminate, ends by conserving not culture but its corruption.
Saturday, 17 February 2024
History: The mythologies and philosophies of civilizational decline and fall
Sunday, 11 February 2024
Democracies: Battleground of nationalists & counter-nationalists
Saturday, 10 February 2024
On Shlomo Sand’s history book: The Invention of the Jewish People
Sunday, 4 February 2024
History of Sanatana Dharma & the Hegelian End of History
Sunday, 28 January 2024
Excerpts from Anand Ranganathan’s essay, “Injustice Towards Kashmiri Hindus”
Saturday, 27 January 2024
The hollow claims of secularism, multiculturalism, diversity
Saturday, 20 January 2024
Sanatana Dharma: The Importance of Economic Gods and Goddesses
Saturday, 13 January 2024
Civilizations on rise versus civilizations in phase of decay and decline
Sunday, 7 January 2024
The Parallels between the Hindus and Zoroastrians of the Middle Ages & Americans and West Europeans of Modern Age
Saturday, 6 January 2024
Rama temple in Ayodhya: History, hopes and imagination
Monday, 1 January 2024
10 interesting books I read in 2023
Sunday, 31 December 2023
When Law Forgets Dharma: Civilizational Crisis in Hindu Personal Jurisprudence
Saturday, 30 December 2023
Narendra Modi: In comparison to Thatcher, Xiaoping, Reagan and Gorbachev
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Narendra Modi |
Monday, 25 December 2023
There are no good civilizations and evil civilizations
Saturday, 23 December 2023
The savage and the citizen: A philosophy of territory and property
Saturday, 16 December 2023
Two failed ideologies: socialism & capitalism
Sunday, 10 December 2023
Journalism: The Frightful Monstrosity and Delusion
“Journalism possesses in itself the potentiality of becoming one of the most frightful monstrosities and delusions that have ever cursed mankind. This horrible transformation will occur at the exact instant at which journalists realise that they can become an aristocracy.” ~ G. K. Chesterton, The New Priests (1901)
Chesterton wrote these words more than a century ago, but their prophetic resonance has only deepened with time. In the twenty-first century, we no longer live under the shadow of medieval churches or monarchs; our world is atheistic in temper and nihilistic in drift. Yet the collapse of older forms of authority has not left us freer. Instead, a new priesthood has arisen.
Its vestments are not of cassock and robe, but of camera and column. Its pulpits are not altars but television studios, newspaper pages, and social media feeds. Journalism has assumed the sacerdotal role—dispensing doctrines disguised as news, preaching sermons under the guise of analysis, shaping belief with the authority once reserved for religion.
Every day, the faithful are summoned to the liturgy of “breaking news.” Headlines blare like the bells of a cathedral, summoning the masses to attend to the latest revelation. The journalist speaks with the solemnity of a confessor and the certainty of a prophet. But unlike the old priests, who at least gestured toward eternal truths, today’s journalists traffic in shifting narratives, manufactured spectacles, and ideological dogmas. Their task is not to seek truth but to generate obedience; not to illuminate reality but to colonise perception.
The result is precisely what Chesterton foresaw: journalism has discovered its aristocratic vocation. It has become not the humble recorder of events but the maker of reality itself, declaring which facts are admissible and which must be exiled, which voices are worthy and which must be silenced. Under its dominion, pseudo-science masquerades as settled science, buffoons are canonised as intellectuals, and lies, repeated often enough, harden into the substance of collective memory.
Thus journalism, which once styled itself as the guardian of liberty, has become its usurper. It promised to speak truth to power, but it has become power; it promised to hold aristocracies accountable, but it has become the crooked aristocracy of our time. Its members sit not merely above governments and markets but above conscience itself, certain that their “narrative” is the final word.
Chesterton’s dire warning has been fulfilled. Journalism, unmoored from humility and truth, has indeed become a frightful monstrosity—a delusion more pervasive than any priestcraft of the past. It governs not by reasoned persuasion but by saturation, by the endless liturgy of the spectacle. And until it is dethroned from this aristocratic self-image, it will remain the most dangerous delusion of our age.
Saturday, 9 December 2023
Rama Rajya: The Civilization of Faith & Reason
Saturday, 2 December 2023
4 Most Powerful Geopolitical Forces in History of Civilization
Sunday, 26 November 2023
Life is not rational; reason is unknowable
Saturday, 25 November 2023
Self praise is a sign of weakness
Sunday, 19 November 2023
Bill Gates: The World’s Worst Book Reviewer
Saturday, 18 November 2023
Rereading Exodus by Leon Uris
Sunday, 12 November 2023
On Catherine Nixey’s book ‘The Darkening Age’
Saturday, 11 November 2023
Teaching of Bhagavad Gita: Dharma is superior to morality, ethics, legality
Sunday, 5 November 2023
The important lesson of history
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Ruins of Nalanda University in Bihar (Started in the Vedic Age, before 1200 BCE) |



















